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utility bills much lower. So there are now ways to close that so-called agent-principal divide, the differing incentives for the builder and occupier, and we can retrofit buildings with a program that literally pays for itself over three to five years, and we could put tens of millions of people to work in jobs that by definition cannot be outsourced because they exist in every single community. And we really ought to get serious about doing this, because we’re going to need all those jobs to get sustainable prosperity in the aftermath of this pandemic. There are differences. The climate crisis has effects that are not measured in years, as the pandemic is, but consequences that are measured in centuries and even longer. And the other difference is that instead of depressing economic activity to deal with the climate crisis, as nations around the world have had to do with COVID-19, we have the opportunity to create tens of millions of new jobs. That sounds like a political phrasing, but it’s literally true. For the last five years, the fastest-growing job in the US has been solar installer. The second-fastest has been wind turbine technician. And the “Oxford Review of Economics,” just a few weeks ago, pointed the way to a very jobs-rich recovery if we emphasize renewable energy and sustainability technology. So I think we are crossing a tipping point, and you need only look at the recovery plans that are being presented in nations around the world to see that they’re very much focused on a green recovery. Gore, an active environmental activist, spoke about the climate crisis at the South by Southwest festival in Austin, Texas, said that many forward-thinking investors are moving away from companies that invest in fossil fuels and towards companies investing in renewable energy. And this isn’t the only research to find a significant shift in political polarization on environmental issues after 1990. The League of Conservation Voters is an activist group that gives politicians annual ratings on a point scale of 0 to 100, based on how they voted on a slate of environmental issues. According to research published last year, Republicans were always less likely than Democrats to vote for the bills the league liked — the closest the two parties’ average score ever came in the Senate was a margin of 10 points in 1979 and 1980. But the difference between the parties got bigger after 1988. That year, Senate Republicans’ average score was 37, and the Democratic average was 56. By 1992, the gap had widened to an average score of 19 for Senate Republicans and 63 for Democrats. Climate change has moved up the global agenda, with media and protests putting pressure on decision-makers to reduce emissions and divest from fossil fuels. However, at Synchronicity Earth we don’t want to see the sister issue, biodiversity loss, falling by the wayside. There are many beautiful and emotive films about social and environmental issues which have
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