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subsequently further liberalized the embargo and made clear his need to work toward a normalization of relations with Cuba. In 1977 Washington allowed passport restrictions on travel to Cuba to lapse, thereby enabling U.S. residents to go to the island as vacationers. It additionally allowed U.S. travelers to spend dollars if such expenditures concerned travel and residing expenses within Cuba. The following year Treasury rules were modified to allow U.S. residents to send money to family members in Cuba. The Carter administration also agreed to the opening of U.S. and Cuban curiosity sections in Havana and Washington, respectively. These have been expected to result in the change of ambassadors at a future date. Carter’s plans for improved relations between Washington and Havana had been undermined when Castro despatched Cuban troops to struggle on the side of Marxist rebels in Ethiopia in late 1977. Carter felt that the Cuban chief had betrayed him. The Cuban authorities asserted then—and continues to claim—that conflicts between Havana and Washington over worldwide points may be negotiated but aren’t relevant to discussions relating to the potential normalization of relations between the United States and Cuba.4 Although the adjustments in U.S. coverage towards Cuba in the mid-Seventies corresponded to new worldwide realities, they also have been based mostly on a series of assumptions relating to the determinants of Castro’s attitude and habits towards the United States. Supporters of a extra relaxed embargo had argued that Castro’s conduct was a response to U.S. hostility toward him and his regime. They therefore assumed that better remedy by Washington would lead to less provocative and hostile behavior on the a part of Castro. Instead, Castro’s conduct seemed to validate those who had argued that he would interpret a extra liberal policy towards Cuba as a sign of U.S. weak point, which he would turn to his benefit. Perhaps extra essential in explaining Castro’s conduct, however, was the willingness of the Soviet Union to proceed bankrolling his exploits overseas, despite the existence of U.S.-Soviet détente. As a result, Washington’s loosening—or tightening—of the embargo remained largely irrelevant to the Cuban regime as long as Castro could depend on
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