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of war, especially within the wake of the 1968 Tet Offensive, derailed the scheme, as safety in the countryside and the mass exodus and resettling of refugees made development work unimaginable. To their credit score, the efforts of the self-styled postdevelopment writers to undertake an “archaeology of development” helped open the door to the possibility of putting “the framework inside the frame” and making growth the thing of historical investigation. At the same time, nonetheless, the limitations of postdevelopment approaches need to be recognized. The charge most frequently made is that they aimed to critique rather than prescribe.39 By jettisoning the concept of growth in its entirety, they were unable to offer constructive ways forward. There had of course been substantive criticisms of growth earlier than, however what was distinctive about the 1990s was the just about universal rejection—from both the left and the best—of the state as an agent of progress and nationwide liberation and, simultaneously, a renewed interest in social establishments and movements working independently of and in opposition to the state. This reconfiguration of the talk round rolling back the state and championing new social actions (and “civil society” more typically) undoubtedly represented an necessary shift, signifying that improvement as a discourse was now not framed by the logic of the post-1945 Cold War.forty But in hindsight what is maybe most putting is the consistent logic operating in most of the studies produced within the late Eighties and
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