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that it is false “to make civilization the perform of the division of labor”; as a substitute, he insist that the right wording is that civilization is strictly a “consequence” of the division of labor. But he’s somewhat at a loss, if a functionalist argument is disallowed, to say how this connection comes about. Having argued that cultural innovations should not be attributed to hereditary elements such as genius or innate creativity, he nonetheless falls back on an primarily physiological clarification of a special sort. Increases in social complexity lead to new ideas, he suggests,”as a result of this superactivity of common life fatigues and weakens our nervous system that it wants reparations proportionate to its expenditures, that’s to say, more various and sophisticated satisfaction” ( 1933, 337). Although it avoids teleological reasoning, this formulation serves as a clear instance, after all, of the tendency towards individualistic, psychological interpretations of cultural change, which I have already mentioned. Much the same line of reasoning is evident in Weber’s scattered remarks concerning the Enlightenment. Here his concern is, again, more with the results of Enlightenment teachings for subsequent economic improvement than with giving a full account of their origins. Accordingly, he suggests in passing that charisma played a role in initiating the Enlightenment. Nevertheless, he also suggest that the rising
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