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worldwide mass opinion surveys, stakeholder surveys, comparative content analyses and the like. If we’re to grasp properly the rise of global public opinion and its putative role in constraining key institutions and global actors, however, these efforts will have to be coordinated around particular points and designed in such a way that they can be profitably examined as parallel timeseries. Mapping the virtual, discursive terrain surrounding issues of world import and better understanding attentive publics and mass audiences worldwide will require each nice imagination and sustained collaborative effort. We need more than merely improved snapshot assessments of mass opinion or opinion among the many most attentive segments of the inhabitants, or NGO leaders or authorities officers, or of messages distributed via the media. Instead, what is required is healthier empirical leverage on the interaction of these various phenomena round specific points over time – some technique of gauging the altering relationships between institutional behaviour, media behaviour and the behaviour of publics, crowds and masses as problems emerge and are contested. The ideal would be a set of linked and comparable observations spanning national borders and assessing comparative beliefs, feelings and opinions throughout each of these collective constituencies over the life-course of a difficulty. Such information would allow a dynamic appraisal of the influences flowing backside-up or top-down, placing to test suppositions of democratic choice making. Data arrays usually are not presently out there, but they’re a minimum of not inconceivable. Given the substantial costs and logistical issue, such knowledge are not prone to emerge without the systematic coordination of the many, diversified and inevitably partial efforts now underway worldwide. One hopes the Yearbook has fostered, and can in the future speed up, coordination of this type. The Cuban regime may take certainly one of four paths within the wake of Fidel Castro’s departure. One would return Cuba to the totalitarian past. This would entail a reaffirmation of ideology, a return to mobilization, an end to market reforms and incentives, restrictions on social and economic pluralism, and a crackdown on dissident exercise. A second path is a collapse scenario involving a
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